1. A protective tariff is a schedule of import duties so arranged as to give appreciably more favorable conditions to some domestic industries than they would enjoy with free trade. Tariff duties were first laid to get revenues for the government. The first effect of the tariff is the same as that of any tax that enters as a new factor into enterpriser's cost - the domestic price of the taxed article tends to rise. Other results then follow. If the article cannot be produced within the country (as oranges, spices, and coffee, in England, Norway, and Sweden), its consumption is reduced. The lessening of demand may affect somewhat the price in the producing country and may compel the foreign producers to sell each unit for less than before. As such a tariff does not increase home production, it is for revenue, not for protection.

Nature of a tariff for revenue.

But if the article can be produced in the importing country at the new price, "home industries" will start. If the whole demand at home is thus supplied, imports stop and therewith stop all revenues to the government from that source. This is a prohibitive or completely protective tariff. Most tariffs combine the characters both of revenue and protective measures. Where the freight charges are low along the coast and on the main lines of transportation, some imports take place; while farther inland, where freight charges are high, some home production of the same goods takes place.

Effects upon home industry.

A tariff that reduces imports but does not cut them off entirely is either a revenue tariff with incidental protection or a protective tariff with incidental revenue. The difference is partly one of legislative intention, partly one of degree only.

The beginning of the tariff under the Constitution.

2. The tariff question has been the most discussed of economic questions in American politics. The tariff bill passed by the first session of Congress in 1789 was primarily a revenue measure with rates averaging only about five per cent.; but incidentally it was protective (as most tariffs are), being laid on imports of iron and cloth, the production of which had been undertaken to some extent before, but which thus were further encouraged. Between 1808 and 1812, the United States and England were in constant disagreement, and our government repeatedly laid an embargo on British commerce, closing our ports to British ships, and British ports to our ships. The war from 1812 to 1815 almost annihilated American trade on the ocean. Added to this discouragement of foreign trade was the high tariff imposed, in the vain effort to get revenue from greatly decreased imports. Altogether these causes almost completely stopped importation and forced the American people to rely on their own efforts for such goods. Some industries having been "stimulated" in a high degree, their destruction was threatened by the repeal of the high war tariffs. Many investments and interests were at stake, and the tariff became a most important question.

The tariff controversy before 1865.

The first period of real discussion of the protective policy was between 1816 and 1846. The result of the first twelve years was an increase of the tariff rates which, in 1828, reached a high point. By the compromise of 1832, the rates were reduced by steps till 1841. Again from 1842 to 1846 was a brief period of higher duties, followed by a policy which, relatively speaking, was one for revenue, from 1846 to 1860. Again in the Civil War, 1861-65, the rates were steadily increased without much discussion, the tariff not being the leading question at a time when the prosecution of the war was absorbing nearly all attention.

The latest period of discussion was from 1874 to 1892. In the Tilden and Hayes campaign of 1876 the tariff was made the leading issue and the advocates of a lower tariff were very nearly successful. In 1880, protection again triumphed in the election of Garfield. In the election of Cleveland in 1884, the issue of tariff reform had some part, but no effective legislation on the subject was enacted in the next four years. In 1888, Cleveland was defeated in a campaign fought mainly on the tariff issue, and Harrison was elected as a pronounced protectionist. In 1892, Cleveland was reelected on the issue of tariff reform. From that time, however, there has been a lull in the discussion of the tariff question. The campaign of 1892 was the last presidential election in which the tariff was the dominant issue. Since 1896, the money question and imperialism have quite crowded the tariff issue off the stage.

Recent discussion of the tariff.

3. A leading argument in favor of a protective tariff is that by encouraging an excess of exports it maintains a favorable balance of trade. This notion of the favorable balance of trade appears in several forms. One of these, already discussed in connection with foreign exchanges, is that the exports of a country in the form of merchandise must exceed the imports if the country is to prosper. The ideal cherished is to keep more merchandise constantly flowing out of the country than comes in. An interesting commentary on this delusion is the fact that this is the usual situation in poor debtor countries having constant interest payments to meet; while the opposite of the ideal is the situation in rich creditor countries. England for many years in the period of her greatest prosperity has had a constant excess of imports, these being goods to the value of the interest payments due to Englishmen from investments abroad.

The.

"balance of trade" argument.

4. Another argument is that the protective tariff keeps money at home which, if trade is free, will be sent abroad to buy foreign goods, thus impoverishing the country. This is the ' favorable balance of trade" argument, with the emphasis on money rather than on goods. A superficial glance at the trade relations of an old and rich country with a new province seems to give evidence for such a belief. The older country is lending capital (which it sends to the debtor country in the form of goods) and it has at the same time a larger supply of money. These two facts - the lack of money and the poverty of the newer country - are looked upon by the protectionist as due to the importation of goods. The real cause of the imports to the newer country and of its scanty money-supply, it need hardly be said, is its comparative poverty. Europe and the United States, in their trade with China and South America, do not get gold in exchange, but merchandise of various sorts. It is true that in the trade of England and New York with great gold-producing districts, such as California, South Africa, and Alaska, gold is received in return for merchandise, for to these districts gold is merchandise and its export does not drain them of their supply. The richer states in the Union do not drain the poorer states of money. A few years ago the states of Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, and their neighbors were filled with resentment against the money-lenders of the Eastern states. There was a widespread belief that hard times were due to an insufficient currency. Attempted action took the form of the greenback and free-silver movements, which were defeated by the opposition of the East, but there can be little doubt that if the Federal Constitution had not forbidden it, the discontented states would have established a protective tariff "to keep their money at home." Few advocates of protective tariffs are ready to admit that the money-supply of the country is dependent on the general wealth of the country, and on the methods of doing business, rather than on a protective tariff.

"To keep money at home".

The "two profits" argument.

5. It is said that the tariff keeps "two profits" at home, foreign trade gives but one. The word "profits" is here used in the popular sense of gain from a single transaction. This argument becomes somewhat confused, for certainly in the admission that there are "two profits" in a trade, the notion that "one man's gain is another's loss" is rejected. Both parties are said to profit and both profits are thought to be secured at home when two citizens are forced to trade with each other. There is an error in elementary arithmetic here, both as to the number and as to the aggregate amount of profits. The purpose of a protective tariff is to compel two of the citizens of a country to trade with each other instead of trading with two citizens of a foreign state; the number of profits is therefore not increased by substituting domestic for foreign trade. What, then, as to the size and aggregate amount of the profits? The margin of advantage is not the same on all exchanges; the exchange is made if there is a margin to both parties, no matter how small it is; but the generous "profit" on one transaction where the conditions of the two parties are very different may be greater than the total of petty margins on a dozen exchanges between two traders of evenly matched powers. Can it safely be assumed that every trade with a foreigner is less advantageous than one with a fellow-citizen? Diamond cuts diamond, but two shrewd Yankees left to themselves surely should not be worsted in bargains with the universe. If they could exchange to better advantage with each other they probably would discover it as soon as the interested manufacturers and political orators who can prove so eloquently that they know the other man's business better than he knows it himself. Forcing the home trade is doubtless to the advantage of one citizen, but it is not likely to be to the advantage of both citizens.

6. The most effective popular argument for protection is that it raises, or maintains, the general scale of wages in the country. This argument is two-fold: first, when wages are low in a country it is claimed that a tariff is needed to raise them; and, secondly, when wages are high it is argued that a tariff alone can preserve them. In Germany the fear is of the higher paid and more efficient labor of England. In America, where wages at all times have been higher than in England, it was first argued that because of the greater cost of production, due to high wages, the tariff was needed to start certain industries; but after the tariff had long been established and the old argument had been forgotten, it was said that the tariff was the cause of the high wages and must be maintained to protect against the (so-called) "pauper" labor of the older countries. That wages generally are higher in new countries and where a tariff prevails is always claimed to be one of the chief fruits of a protective policy. The cause of the high wages in America appears to be the productive efficiency of industry under existing conditions. Labor is surrounded here with advantages in the forms of rich natural resources and of mechanical appliances such as never before were combined. Because of the scarcity of workers in particular protected industries, wages may be higher in them than in some other industries; but such workers form a small fraction of the population. The claim that the general scale of wages in all occupations is raised by the tariff protecting this fraction, is no less invalid than the sweeping claims in favor of trade-unions.

The claim that protection raises wages.

Political arguments for protection.