1. Taxes usually are a portion taken from the income arising from labor or from wealth. In rare cases more than the net income of wealth may be taken, but the aim of taxation in general is to take only a portion of the income for public uses. As economic income has many sources, it may be intercepted at many different points, and taxation may take various forms. First, private income may be appropriated by a tax on income. This is the simplest in thought, but the administrative difficulties of the incometax are great in practice. It is not easy to determine the money value of the various sources of enjoyment that come into a man's possession in the course of a year, including, as the ideal requires, the immaterial gratifications along with the material. A second form is a tax on property in proportion to value. Since the value of material wealth is the capitalization of the rentals at the prevailing rate of interest, the property tax, so far as it applies to material wealth, should take an approximately equal proportion of incomes. If it were accurately assessed, it would be in some respects better than a tax on actual rents, for it reaches the prospective, or speculative, rental. A third form of tax is one on consumption, or expenditure. This is but another mode of attacking income, for in the long run income is spent, not always by the individual who earned it, but by some one, and thus it is reached by a tax on expenditure. The principal consumption taxes in the United States are the tariff duties and the internal revenues of the national government. In time of war, internal revenues are extended in the United States to a multitude of articles, but usually they are limited (with minor exceptions) to liquor and tobacco. A fourth form of tax is one on selected agencies of industry; such are business taxes, licenses, taxes on investment in business, corporation taxes, etc. These burdens are diffused and rest eventually on some income, not always exactly ascertainable. Actual tax systems combine these forms in great variety, subtracting many minute fractions from each citizen's income in ways unsuspected by him.

On property.

On expenditure.

On business.

2. The immediate effect of a change in the form of taxation is a change in the market value of goods. If the new tax reduces the net rent of any productive agent, it reduces likewise its value, which is but the capitalization of its net rental. If taxes are taken off of factories and put upon farm rents, factories rise and farm-land falls in value. The immediate change in value is much greater than the annual tax, for if five dollars is to be taken permanently from the annual rental of the farm, nearly one hundred dollars is taken at once from its selling value.

Changes of taxation and in capitalization.

Taxes are reckoned by enterprisers as a part of the cost of production whenever the conditions of competition and of substitution make it possible to do so. In such a case the products rise in price and most of the tax falls upon the consumers. In the Civil War an increase in the tax on whisky increased its selling price, and distillers who owned stocks on which a smaller tax had already been paid reaped profits of millions of dollars. When recently the tax on tea was increased in England, all dealers who had accumulated a stock before the law went into effect were gainers. Every change in taxation inevitably affects, either favorably or unfavorably, many interests. The chance to anticipate a change in tax laws or to get, from those in power, information of a proposed change, makes speculation possible and political corruption profitable.

Shifting and incidence of taxation.

3. After every change in taxation, competition among bargainers goes on and a new equilibrium of prices results. The citizen who pays a tax into the public treasury is not always the one whose income is reduced in the long run. In most cases the final and regular burden of the tax is distributed over a number of incomes. The passing on of the burden is called the shifting of the tax; the location of the final burden is called the incidence of the tax. The lawmaker cannot tell exactly where the weight will fall. The principles of value give some guidance in the inquiry, but the workings of the principle are difficult to follow. Certain it is that the new tax, both in its collection and in its expenditure, becomes a new influence in industry. Some occupations are made more attractive, others less so. Some places are made more, others less, desirable to live in. As property thus fluctuates in value, as investments become more or less remunerative, the market price of corporation stocks rises and falls. The rate of adjustment varies greatly under different conditions. The inflow and the outflow of labor and capital are more or less rapid in the various industries.

The fact that a change in taxation is a disturbing element in price is not to be thought insignificant merely because "all comes out right in the end." Every change in taxation is an element of uncertainty in business and increases the fortunes of some men at the expense of others. Hence no considerable change should be made without good reasons in its favor. The older taxes have the virtue of stability, but in many cases they have grown out of harmony with the industrial conditions. While, therefore, from time to time there is a real need of a reform in the tax system, it should not be undertaken without recognizing the many and complex interests involved.

Many personal incomes affected.