This section is from the book "The Principles Of Economics With Applications To Practical Problems", by Frank A. Fetter. Also available from Amazon: The Principles of Economics, With Applications to Practical Problem.
1. There has been a large increase of state socialism in recent years. The term state socialism, broadly understood, includes all the forms of public participation in industry that have been passed in review: ownership by towns, cities, state, or nation; laws regulating the freedom of contract; agencies to inspect conditions and to enforce the laws; commissions to supervise and control corporate industry. From every direction comes evidence of the increase of state socialism within the past twenty-five years. To those accustomed to think of the spirit of the Germanic races as that of individual liberty and enterprise, it seems remarkable that this increase has been greater among people of Teutonic origin (Germany, England, America, Australia) than among those of Latin race. The change seems to be a part of the movement of democracy, even the measures of Bismarck in Germany having been taken to ward off the demands of the radical party. The mere name of socialism no longer frightens the citizens of a free state, and when men of strong individualistic spirit even claim with pride that they are socialists, the meaning of that term is becoming very vague indeed.
Recent growth of state socialism.
Varieties of socialism.
2. State socialism must not be confused with collectivism,, or radical socialism. The word socialism is so variously defined that the earnest student sometimes despairs of getting a clear understanding of it. The thought of socialism ranges from the simplest form of state interference, such as the support of public schools and public fire-departments, up to complete public ownership of all industry. It is well to describe as radical socialists those who would abolish private property, and would strike at the very root of the existing order of society. The modern form of radical socialism originated among German thinkers of the school of Karl Marx, but it has many supporters in other lands. The typical radical socialist claims to possess the only pure brand of social reform, disdains any interest in state socialism, and scoffs at state control as mere temporizing, as not even a single step toward radical socialism.
Aim of state socialism.
The typical state socialist agrees that these measures do not logically force him toward the extremer view. He is at heart an individualist, believing that the motive forces of society are in human character, not in governmental machinery; but he seeks to prevent some kinds of competition, to put other kinds on a better basis; "to make the rules of the game fairer," but not to suppress it. According to this difference in ultimate plan, men and present measures can in general be classified. Yet one view sometimes shades into the other in the life-history of a single individual. Believers in moderate interference sometimes move toward the extreme, and the most radical thinkers, sometimes with no less honesty, become, with broadening experience, more and more moderate. It would be surprising if any one who is thinking and growing in social philosophy should succeed in so exactly adjusting to each other all his opinions, as to be absolutely consistent at a particular moment in his views on social policy.
3. It is not safe to predict from present evidence a continued trend toward extreme social control. Social prophecy is fascinating. Men like to answer out of their ignorance the question, Whither are we tending? A deeper study of social law should give this power, but it is not won by hasty generalization. Unripe social philosophers assume that because the theory of biological evolution is correct, the particular theory of social evolution which they choose to invent or accept is unimpeachable. Radical socialism is the exaggerated statement of a present social need. It is a bridging with hope, not with experience, of the chasm between reality and the dreams of the unsuccessful.
Unripe social philosophy.
It is true that many evidences point to an increase in social control for some time to come. The laws, the institutions, the prevailing morality of society, have not kept pace with industrial growth in this period of sweeping change. What is seen, however, is a small arc of the curve of progress. Much of the social regulation in the Middle Ages was similar to that which is now increasing. Legislation by gilds and privileges of private corporations hedged industry about.
Progress of social control.
True aim of social control.
A reaction against this in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries brought on national and state control, and state interference of another kind rapidly increased until the time of Adam Smith. Then a strong reaction came, and the next period of fifty years saw far less of interference. The years from 1825 to 1840 were those of the greatest state socialism ever seen in America, but the results were so unfortunate that a violent reaction followed. The recent great increase of state activity is not likely to be continued indefinitely. The path of progress is a spiral. There are forces already at work creating a resistance to any great extension of this movement. Competition of the healthier sort cannot be suppressed without paralyzing results. Inequality and the opportunity for ability to realize itself cannot be destroyed. The social regulations must be of a sort to liberate the best energies of men, not to enchain them. If the evils of state regulation increasingly appear to outweigh the benefits, a limit must be put to the movement. While social control may aid in lifting production and competition to a higher and more moral plane, the ability of society will refuse to be ruled by the standards of the weak and inefficient.
1. What effect would it have if the state should make laborers work for unsuccessful employers at lower wages than for successful ones?
2. Or should reduce rents for the less capable merchants and manufacturers?
3. Is there any rule for determining the limits of state interference?
4. Why does the question of the control of the railways in the interest of the public present especial difficulties in America?
 
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