There have been among the Negro people those men of intelligence and vision, if not always of learning, who have not bowed the knee to Baal, to the popular superstitions and whims, personal lust of wealth, or the conflicting currents of interracial confusion. Often they have gathered up and expressed the desires of their people for some of the substantial things of American life. These expressions of desire come from Negroes of all occupations and walks of life - workers in mines and factories, porters in stores and hotels, drivers, hackmen, and trucksters, farmers, tenants, and farm hands, tradesmen, business men, doctors, lawyers, teachers, housewives, and ministers.

First, Negroes have a yearning for education, a desire profound in its reach, appealing in its sacrifices, and tragic in its blighted opportunities. The story of their struggles to get an equitable share of public school funds, their willingness to contribute out of their poverty to their private educational institutions and to supplement what they get from the public treasury for school buildings and the lengthening of school terms is an epic awaiting its Homer. They feel keenly when blamed for not having what they have never had a chance to secure. Day-schools, night-schools, vacation schools, summer schools, and their limited colleges are always overcrowded. There is a perennial cry, "To know, to know; to do, to do; to achieve, to achieve".

Second, Negroes have demonstrated, especially when changes like the World War have pushed ajar the doors of equal opportunity to work at just wages and under fair conditions, that they desire a chance to get work and to hold it upon the same terms as other workers. They ask to be freed from the system of debt peonage in its differing forms, both that by which the courts are accustomed to farm out prisoners to private employers who pay their fines, and that by which workers cannot leave one plantation for another so long as any debt remains unpaid. They ask for an armistice in the tacit arrangement of lower wages for the same work, restriction to advancement in occupation, etc., by means of which they are denied the legitimate fruit which other men are given for their labor.

Third, they want a chance to play, too, when the day's work is done; to play unmolested by law officers seeking by "framed up" gaming bouts to fatten upon fees and fines, "arrestin' fifty fer what one of us done." They want play places where, in recreation and amusement, they and their children may stretch their legs as well as their spirits in wholesome mirth and music. Like other workers they want sufficient wages, reasonable hours and a standard of living which will leave mind and body in vigor. They want good houses in which to live, good roads, well-paved streets, sanitation, fire and police protection, and other facilities which every modern neighborhood now considers necessary to wholesome living.

Fourth, another Negro want has probably been well expressed by an unlettered Southern Negro farmer. Speaking before a large audience of Negroes who were in conference with some of their representative white neighbors, he said, in answer to a question from a prominent white business man who was the presiding officer: "And, sir, we wants to help say who governs us." The officer replied that the liberal-minded white men of his state proposed that their desire should be satisfied. In an open letter to the Constitutional Convention of Louisiana in 1898, Booker T. Washington said: "Any law controlling the ballot, that is not absolutely just and fair to both races, will work more permanent injury to the whites than to the blacks. The Negro does not object to an education or property test, but let the law be so clear that no one clothed with state authority will be tempted to perjure and degrade himself by putting one interpretation upon it for the white man and another for the black man".

Fifth, through painful years of experience Negroes have come to feel as one man that they want to be more secure in their persons and their property and be free from the discriminations and restrictions that seem to them so unnecessary and to have no foundation in right or reason. Burnings and lynchings of innocent persons leave the average Negro with an uneasy feeling that a mob may perchance take him during any excitement. Experience has taught many that in a legal controversy •with a white man he and his property are at great disadvantage.

Sixth, Negroes are beginning to ask for the removal of the habitual thought and action which regards and treats them as something less than men and women. They do not phrase it in just those words, but their actions speak louder than words. Experience with and observation of thousands of domestic workers, unskilled and semiskilled laborers in employment placement work has heightened the author's estimation of these people's belief in their own personality: their belief that they are ends in themselves and, along with other people, should have a chance to eat, dress, and live and enjoy some of the happiness which they work to furnish to others. In the upper grades of intelligence these feelings and attitudes express themselves in demands for schools, libra-ries, newspapers, art, music, and many other means of self-development.

Finally, the Negro wishes to be at peace with all men. He is a man of peace. He has learned war only when taught or when forced to defend himself. He sooner submits to oppressive force than he inflicts it. And he asks, as a citizen, to be left free to laugh and to sing, to play and to pray, to work and to talk, to love and to live with other Americans.