These two worlds of opinion outlined in the preceding paragraphs have grown up as the two races have developed life more and more separately. They do not now know each other, as in the past. Here, then, is the task in racial relations: to find ways through which the present and future generations of the two races may know each other as friends and work out their problems together as American citizens. The old relations of master and man, mistress and maid are gone, never to return. The memories of "Marse Clair," of "Miss Eva," and "Uncle Tom," and the "black Mammy" remain as the recollections of sweet but bygone days.1 In these new times of stress and strain; the grandchildren of these cherished ancestors of both races have a challenge to find that gentleness and tenderness of heart land strength of mind which will enable them to correct the hostile feelings, attitudes, and customs growing out of past mistakes and present evils and to build up friendly relations.

The crucial question is, Will the Negro, growing in population, be enabled and permitted to stand upon his feet as a man and to take a citizen's place in the onward marching army of American life at the same time that his white neighbor increases in numbers and advances in the ranks of progress? As indicated above, there are two points of view, either of which may gain headway. White Americans number about ninety millions, Negro Americans, about ten millions; we face a crucial racial situation. Shall mutual misunderstanding, suspicions, and friction continue, growing more and more acute? Or shall mutual understanding, tolerance, and good-will replace them? Shall common sense or brutal force prevail?

1See Thomas Nelson Page, work cited, pp. 163-165, 173-204.

The machinery of government law can do a great deal. Attitudes and the habits of thought and action of both individuals and groups, however, lie back of government and control the machinery of the law. While regularly looking to the law, therefore, the two races have to establish those relations which crystallize into law and which make customs and governments. Many individuals of a national or racial group, as they have struggled with nature or among themselves, have chosen ways of acting in the face of their surroundings which they have found to result in pleasurable experiences. They have avoided or tried to avoid ways of acting which would lead to painful or unsatisfactory experiences. The former become approved as the right ways to act, and the latter are disapproved as the wrong. ways to act, and out of these approvals and disapprovals grow up group attitudes, laws, and customs of conduct. The approved and disapproved ways of acting become fixed as conventional "public opinion," - "folkways" and "mores," if you please, - some helpful, and some harmful. The mental background of the individuals is made up of such ideas from which each new situation is met and handled.1 These attitudes and customs are spread from community to community and from one generation to another. The opportunity, then, that individuals and groups and races have to learn to avoid the ways, attitudes, and feelings that have proven harmful and to cultivate those that have proven truly pleasurable and helpful, will largely determine their ability to meet the demands of modern life. These experiences from the past might be called the mental property of the nation. To find ways and means for both races to share in this mental property so that better feelings, attitudes, and ways of acting under present conditions may become the approved ways, is the problem of promoting better racial relations. The people must learn good-will, tolerance, justice, and cooperation by such means when the sky is clear, or they will find it too late when the lightning of mobs and lynching flashes and the thunder of riot rolls. In the past, the white man has helped the Negro survive and develop in America, and the Negro has largely thought of his development for the white man's use. A fear has come to the white man that painful experience may come to him when the Negro is no longer to be merely a servant, and this is tending to increase friction between the races. Humanitarian and Christian forces have the task of teaching that the fear is unfounded and that the white people and the Negro people can and should work together for mutual.advance-ment.

1 For the theory of folkways and mores, see Societal Evolution, A. G. Keller, pp. 30-38; for the idea of milieu see Race Prejudice, Jean Finot, pp. 129-132, 172-175.

This great task is intertwined in the many problems of the so-called "race problem." They may be summarized as the problems of Negro progress - economic, educational, social, and religious, the problems of Negro citizenship, and the problem of attitudes and habitual action of the white world. These fundamental problems lie back of and produce that public opinion of the two groups, briefly described in this chapter. The question of Negro progress is dealt with in Chapter II (Sixty Years Of Progress), followed by a discussion in Chapter III (The Trend Of The Negro World) of the Negro's capacity for achievement as further shown by his internal response to the world without him. The problems of Negro citizenship are taken up in Chapter IV (The Negro'S Offering To The Stars And Stripes) from the standpoint of the Negro's devotion to and sacrifice for the Stars and Stripes, the symbol of the common man's opportunity to determine his governors. The problem of the attitude and habitual action of the white world is treated in Chapter V (The Trend Of The White World1). The closing chapter undertakes to analyze the fundamental principles and ideals which underlie the theory that cooperation rather than conflict should determine race relations of the future. In this chapter, also, the attempt is made to point out the principal organizations and institutions, the home, the school, the state, the church, and auxiliary organizations, besides the economic institutions, through which the friendly and pleasurable contacts of the two races are to be made.

Through all the chapters and implicit in every section* of this book is the theme that the relations of the two races finally rest, not upon wealth or poverty, not upon things or lack of them, but upon the mental, social, and spiritual attitudes and habits of conduct of life that grow out of the feeling experiences of the two races as they have contact in agriculture, industry, education, government, religion, and the like. The great hope of the future is that the ideals of Jesus may determine the conditions of these experiences and the conditions of these contacts.

The new world problems are problems of the color line. Peoples and races are struggling in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas to-day to find peaceful relations. The ups and downs of their struggles are before us as we watch the dealings of the strong with the weak, the wealthy with the poor, the white with the black the world over. Everywhere, white and black, yellow and brown are seeking happiness which all crave. All these peoples are weary from the tumult and the shouting of the last and greatest of wars and long for peace and prosperity and perhaps a warless world. As with other questions, so with this, the means of getting what they want in America, at least, may be close at hand if they open their eyes and see them. Concrete demonstration in many localities in our country where white and Negro Americans reside that two races can live peaceably together and develop may be one of the greatest contributions we can make to the world problems of color.