1 Since this was written, an attack upon the Negro Church and upon other Negro leaders has seemed to weaken greatly the influence of their published organ and their speakers.

The two ideas this movement is propagating are "Africa for Africans" and the securing of recognition and fair treatment of black people everywhere by organizing the economic, political, intellectual, and moral force of Negroes the world over into a sort of provisional African empire to force recognition from the white world. Business enterprises, a "Black Star Line" to run steamships to regions populated by Negroes, and industrial corporations, are parts of the plans that have drawn during a four-year development about a million dollars from trusting Negroes, to be wasted by visionary and impractical ones.1 The leaders raised in one year over $200,000 for a Liberian Construction Loan and launched in August, 1921, an additional "African Redemption Fund." The "Garvey Movement" may fail because of bad management, but the ideas which it is propagating have profoundly influenced the thinking and feeling of Negroes in all parts of the United States, to say nothing of other parts of the world.

The second school of Negro public opinion, "the center," is composed of those who might be designated as the spiritual descendants of the aggressive abolitionists of a previous generation. They are actively and hotly protesting and agitating against all forms of color discriminations and injustices. Their slogan for years has been to fight and continue to fight for citizenship rights and full democratic privileges of American life. This school comprises several more or less independent groups. The principal one is the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Its official organ, The Crisis, is the leading and best edited Negro magazine in the world. The Association undoubtedly has the hearty endorsement of the largest number of intelligent Negroes of America that know about it. Its 80,000 members are scattered throughout forty-six states. The Association includes in its membership many white people of prominence. Its annual conventions have presented upon their programs many of America's foremost speakers, publicists, and humanitarians. They have fostered the Pan-African Congress which is agitating for self-determination of African natives.

1It is reported that Garvey and some of his associates have been indicted recently by a Federal Grand Jury in New York on charges of using the mails to defraud investors in the Black Star Line enterprise.

The third school, "the right wing," believes in full justice, manhood rights, and opportunities for Negroes, but still clings to methods of conciliation and the preaching of cooperation and turns a deaf ear to militant methods of agitation. There is apparently no organization representing this school, but many informal groups and Negro agencies have such an attitude. The ablest advo-cates of this school have centered at Tuskegee and Hampton Institutes. As a matter of fact, the objectives of "the center" and "the right wing" do not differ. The difference comes only in method and strategy. The two schools are seeking the same city of American opportunity, but each is undertaking to reach it by somewhat divergent roads.

Those of the third school are having difficulty, however, to hold their influence with the masses of Negroes, not only because of the pressure from the other two wings, but more especially because of the tardy response of the white world in removing some of the outstanding ills and allowing Negroes to share in those advantages which make the name of America a synonym for opportunity.

A close observation of opinion among all classes of, Negroes discloses a slowly increasing spirit of resistance to injustice and mistreatment. The following are some concrete illustrations from statements of Negroes: In 1919, at the time of the Washington (D. C.) riot, "a most reliable Negro, a man of the rank and file of workers, said: 'During the riot I went home when through with my work and stayed there, but I prepared to protect my home. If a Negro had nothing but a fire poker when set upon, he should use it to protect his home. I believe all the men in my block felt the same way. I know they stayed 'round home more than usual.' Another Negro, a porter, said: 'We are tired of bein' picked on and bein' beat up. We have been through the War and given everything, even our lives, and now we are going to stop bein' beat up.' A third, commenting on the Chicago riot, said: 'These things (meaning riots) will keep on until we peaceable, law-abiding fellows will have nothing to do but to prepare to defend our lives and families.' A Negro teacher said, 'The accumulated sentiment against injustice to colored people is such that they will not be abused any longer.'"1 Even Negro graduate students are beginning academic analysis of these new currents of thought.2

1 "What Negroes Think of the Race Riots," George E. Haynes, The Public, Aug. 9, 1919.

2 Edward Franklin Frazier, a graduate of Howard University and a former teacher at Tuskegee Institute, submitted as his M.A. thesis at Clark University an unpublished manuscript on "New Currents of Thought Among the Colored People of America." It gives an appreciation of what is termed in this text the "left wing" of Negro opinion. He concludes that "America faces a new race that has awakened".