Starting from the premise that in all that pertains to international relations the United States appears as a single sovereign nation, and that upon it rests the constitutional duty of meeting all international responsibilities, the Supreme Court has deduced corresponding federal powers. In Fong Yue Ting v. United States19 that court say: " The United States are a sovereign and independent nation, and are vested by the Constitution with the entire control of international relations, and with all the powers of government necessary to maintain that control and to make it effective."

17 182 U. S. 1; 21 Sup. Ct. Rep. 743; 45 L. ed. 1041. 18190 U. S. 197; 23 Sup. Ct. Rep. 787; 47 L. ed. 1016. 18a 118 U. S. 375; 6 Sup. Ct. Rep. 1109; 30 L. ed. 228.

Thus, from this general source has been deduced the implied power of the United States to punish the counterfeiting in this country of the securities of foreign countries, the authority to annex by statute unoccupied territory, to establish in foreign countries judicial tribunals, to lease and administer foreign territory, to include or to expel from our shores undesirable aliens, and in general to exercise by treaty or statute all those powers property to be embraced under the term "foreign relations" which other sovereign States possess. The extent of the authority of the United States under its treaty-making powers will receive special treatment in a later chapter. It is sufficient to point out in this place that decisions of the Supreme Court have ablished the doctrine that in the exercise of its treaty-making powers, and in fulfilling its international responsibilities, the United States may exercise regulative control over matters which are not within the legislative power of Congress and which are in general reserved to the States. In short, it may be stated as an established principle of our constitutional law that the supreme purpose of our Constitution is the establishment and maintenance of a State which shall be nationally and internationally a sovereign body, and, therefore, that all the limitations of the Constitution, express and implied, whether relating to the reserved rights of the States or to the liberties of the individual, are to be construed as subservient to this one great fact