1 See Woofter, T. J., work cited, pp. 52-73.
2 Murphy, Edward G., Problems of the Present South, pp. 154-157.
3 Murphy, E. G., work cited, p. 163.
In two states and two hundred and forty-eight counties of the South in 1910 the Negro population outnumbered the white. In the minds of many white citizens in these: states and counties as well as elsewhere, there is always present the possibility that Negroes may seek to come into control of public affairs. Many feel about the Negro in politics in terms of the newly freed slaves of reconstruction days, although some see that this older policy cannot meet conditions of the new day.1 On the whole,, however, there is fear of the large Negro population retarded 2 in ignorance and poverty, which the lack of public means of education and development has continued front decade to decade. Thus a solid political organization has-been produced and even the intelligent Negro who asks for the exercise of political rights and privileges on terms such as are offered to all is often barred. This fear, sometimes incited by unscrupulous leaders, has been encouraged by the fact that the Negro vote has usually been a "bloc" vote. Conditions have made it so that Negro and white voters largely divide by race, with littler division among themselves on issues and candidates.
There are thoughtful white people who believe that the Negro can develop into the higher things of civilization but they hold, however, that America is designed for white people; that to allow Negroes to share fully in American life is to imperil American institutions and to lay upon the Negro responsibilities which, as a race, he-is unprepared to sustain. The choice, as they see it, is for the Negro either to go to some other part of the world: or accept in America those limitations and restrictions upon his opportunities which they regard as necessary to keep America a "white man's country." A writer recently concluded a discussion of such racial exclusiveness as follows: "We all know how unreasoning and unyielding race prejudice is. The individual finds himself swallowed up and swept on by the swift-flowing currents of racial hatreds and class animosities. Herein lie the deep-seated causes of war, whether it be between the Teuton and Anglo-Saxon in Flanders Field, or between Ethiopian and Caucasian in Tulsa, Oklahoma." 1
Corollary to the notion of superiority of the white race is that of inferiority of other races. Here, a distinction between superiority and inferiority of circumstances in contrast with potential capacity should be pointed out No candid view of the facts can dispute that the Caucasian race is now dominant in power through military and naval force, in wealth through possession of the world's riches, and in intelligence through the opportunity to assimilate and develop the mental experience and property of all who have gone before. From the experience in these advantages the white group mind passes to the doctrine of superior capacity, although the scientific and philosophic writer may or may not do so.2 Other races, especially the Negro, not now so favored in circumstances are usually regarded by public opinion of the white world as lacking in potential power of commensurate achievement. The Japanese in California on account of difference in color, types of feelings and habits of action, economic competition, and other things are judged from this standpoint by the average white man.1 While Lothrop Stoddard in his Rising Tide of Color has failed to adhere to good science in his facts and arguments, he has, nevertheless, voiced the attitude of a great many white people toward other races. The lack of esteem in which Negroes in America are held is forcibly shown by the fact that in some states the courts have decided that to call a white person a Negro is such an injury that action for slander may be taken and damages recoverable on the ground that this word is damaging to such white person is his trade, business, or profession.2 In 1888 the Supreme Court of Louisiana said, "It cannot be disputed that charging a white man with being a Negro is calculated to inflict injury or damage." In Georgia in 1904 a court rendered a decision with the same import. The other side of the matter has recently come to the surface in a court complaint brought by one Negro against another who had charged him with being a white man. This disparagement finds increased expression because of the long experience with the Negro slaves in America, separated from their African culture and ethnic contacts. Inferiority of the Negro is argued from history on the theory that natives in Africa had neither political organization, industrial or artistic development, religious systems, nor ethical inspiration.
1For graphic description of this, see Hammond, L. H., In Black and White, pp. 46-55.
2 See Stephenson, Gilbert T., Race Distinctions in American Law, pp. 46-63; Merriam, George S., The Negro and the Nation, pp. 367-393.
1 Woofter, T. J., work cited, pp. 85-88; Twenty-second Annual Report Commissioner of Labor, pp. 129, 133-135, 146-147; Hammond, L. H., In Black and White, pp. 52-58. The writers should add that many personal visits have been made to plantation districts.
1 Kennedy, Sinclair, The Pan-Angles; a consideration of the Federation of the Seven English Speaking Nations; Stoddard, Lothrop, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy.
2 This idea is known in sociology as "ethnocentrism," Keller, A. G., Societal Evolution, pp. 57-59.
3 Hammond, L. H., work cited, pp. 19-20; Murphy, E. G., The Basis of Ascendency, Chapters II, III, VIII; Mecklin, John M., Democracy and Race Friction, pp. 1, 247-270; and popular magazine, discussions on America, Western civilization, and world af-fairs.
1 Murphy, E. G., The Basis of Ascendency, pp. 57-61.