2 Murphy, E. G., work cited, pp. 51-54.

1 Pritchard, N. G, "Analyzing the Race Problem," Christian Century, August 11, 1921.

2 Mecklin, Democracy and Race Friction, pp. 47-82; Smith, William B., The Color Line, pp. 29-74, 111-157; Johnston, Harry H., The Negro in the New World, preface.

It is interesting to note in this connection the information brought to light by explorers, travelers, and missionaries, and by a number of natives educated in Europe and America who are beginning to interpret their people to the world. They are showing that prior to the slave trade begun by the Portuguese, continued by the Dutch and Spanish, and brought to its culmination by the English, there was an African civilization in Nigeria, Gold Coast, Benin, Somaliland, Timbuctu, and in other areas. Space does not allow review here of the increasing evidence and arguments of such authorities as Leo Fro-benius, Ling Roth, Dr. George A. Reisner of Harvard, Flinders Petrie, and others that there was a very high type of culture in North and Central Africa, possibly in pre-classical and very probably pre-Christian times. Any one wishing to learn about the past achievements of Negroes in Africa will be well rewarded in his search by the evidence of original steps, such as the earliest smelting of iron, and of arts and culture adapted from Arabian origins. Writers give accounts of ancient African rulers, governments, religions and customs, architecture, tomb-building, production of arts and crafts, such as carved elephant tusks, ivory armlets, stone images, etc., glass and porcelain objects, remarkable terra cottas, and exquisite metal castings.1 There is also a well-sifted set of facts that Negroes from the Guinea Coast, West Africa, had made visits to America before Christopher Columbus.2

1 Millis, H. A., The Japanese Problem m the United States, pp. 197-250; Gulick, Sidney L., The American Japanese Problem, pp. 53-76.

2 Cases and facts cited in Stephenson, Gilbert T., Race Dictinc-tions in American Law, pp. 26-33.

With reference to the Negro in America to-day in relation to this point, Edgar Gardner Murphy, a discerning white Southerner, expresses his impression from an examination of some of the facts:3 "Seeing the Negro loafer on the streets, the Negro man or woman in domestic service, the Negro laborer in the fields, is not seeing the Negro. It is seeing the Negro on one side. It is seeing the Negro before achievement begins, often before achievement - the achievement which the world esteems - is possible. Knowing the white man under these conditions would not be knowing the white man. Yet this side of the Negro is usually the only side of which the white community has direct and accurate knowledge. It is the knowledge of industrial contact upon its lower plane. It is not the knowledge of reciprocal obligations. And at the point where this lower contact ceases, at the point where the Negro's real efficiency begins and he passes out of domestic service or unskilled employment into a larger world, the white community loses its personal and definite information - the Negro passes into the unknown. As the Negro attains progress, he, by the very fact of progress, removes the tangible evidence of progress from the immediate observation of the white community.

1Frobenius, Leo, The Voice of Africa; "The Material Culture of Ancient Nigeria," by Wm. L. Hansberry, Journal of Negro History, Vol. VI, No. 3, pp. 261-295; Brawley, Benjamin, Social History of the American Negro, pp. 1-9; and works of other authorities mentioned above.

2 Wiener, Leo, Africa and the Discovery of America, Vol. I, pp. 34, 178, 191-196.

3 Murphy, Edgar Gardner, Problems of the Present South, pp. 167-168.

"The inadequacy of the picture is due to subjective as well as to objective causes. A partly mistaken conception of the Negro has resulted from the fact that the white world which now sees the Negro habitually, which judges him and speaks of him most constantly, is not infrequently the white world at its worst. How large a number of the white world, upon its educated side, has ever really seen the life of a Negro home, or the life of the Negro school, or the life of the saner Negro church?"

The philosophy of racial relations that arose out of world power and slave degradation led logically to strong customs and laws against intermixture of the two races. This is the point at which it is most difficult for Negroes to understand the attitude of white people and for white people to understand the attitude of Negroes. The white people usually suspect that the Negroes very greatly desire to be white, and that they will avail themselves of any opportunity that is offered of losing their racial identity. In the extremity of their views such white persons interpret every effort of Negroes to increase their advantages as an expression of a desire on their part to become white. To them the desire of a Negro to be a man is the desire to be a white man..

On the other hand, the closest observation shows that the tendency among Negroes, high and low, has been in the opposite direction, increased in recent decades by growing wealth, intelligence, racial consciousness, and racial self-respect. If white people should to-day ask Negroes whether they want racial intermixture, they would receive an emphatic denial from nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand Negroes. There is now a mass movement in America and elsewhere among Negroes expressing itself in several organizations to esteem things Negroid and to pursue ends racial and African. This has even found extremes in hostile anti-white propaganda and activities such as "Africa for the Africans," "The African Blood Brotherhood" and the like. Negroes feel a growing pride of race. What they are contending for is that men shall not be despised and restricted in opportunity because they are black, and that achievement and character shall be the basis of admission to the benefits of American life.

Here arises one of the anomalies of race relations for which Negroes do not find any excuse for the past or in the present. In practically all states where there have been Negroes in any considerable numbers, mulattoes have multiplied since the early days. The law and custom even now give no protection to the wronged Negro mother and, as was the slave custom from colonial days, count the half-breed offspring by kinship to her and not to their father.1 Twenty-six states had such laws in 1910, many of them antedating emancipation.2 So far as facts can be ascertained, Negroes have not sought or argued for amalgamation, but what they are clamoring against is that law and custom shall not render black women and girls defenseless with nameless offspring, while the white fathers escape.