This section is from "The Horticulturist, And Journal Of Rural Art And Rural Taste", by P. Barry, A. J. Downing, J. Jay Smith, Peter B. Mead, F. W. Woodward, Henry T. Williams. Also available from Amazon: Horticulturist and Journal of Rural Art and Rural Taste.
"There is a story told of two members of our legislature that came from " the rural districts," and were fellow lodgers. One of them was rather mortified by the rough appearance of his companion, who was of the " bone-and-sinew" sort, and by way of opening a conversation in which he could give him a few gentle hints, complained of the necessity which a Representative was under to pay so much for "washing." " How often do you shift?" said the Hon. Simon Pure. " Why of course I have to change my linen every day," he answered. "You do?" responded his unabashed friend. "Why, what an awful dirty man you must be! I can always make mine last a week".
The present condition of the tenant farmers in England, (and those who actually cultivate the land - above the laborers - are almost all tenants,) is far from being an enviable one. Free trade, which has benefitted largely the manufacturer, has borne down heavily on the farmer, and notwithstanding the improvements in farming, and the low price of labor, nothing can enable the tenant farmer to live, but a great reduction of the rents all over the country. Mr. Olmsted thinks that the general introduction of thorough draining alone, during the last ten years, has saved England from a revolution; and it is certain that only those farmers who have large capital, and the most perfect system of farming, can make profit under the present and probable future condition of things in England. The consequence will inevitably be, the gradual breaking up of all heavily encumbered landed estates, and the greatly lowered value of the rents upon others. In the mean time, small farmers are swallowed up, and the laboring rural population is more and more driven to emigration.
Mr. Olmsted deals with aristocracy, and especially with the law of primogeniture, with the spirit of a republican, who cannot see either rhyme or reason in them:
"Strange! I find this monstrous primogeniture seems natural and Heaven inspired law to Englishmen. I can conceive, how, in its origin, it might have been so - in the patriarchal state, where it was the general direction of the common inheritance, rather than the inheritance itself, that was taken by the eldest of each succeeding generation; but in modern civilized society, with its constant re-familization, and in England, especially, where the immediate isolated domiciliation of every newly-wedded pair, is deemed essential to harmony and happiness, it seems to me more naturally abhorrent and wrong than polygamy or chattel-slavery.
"Doubtless, if you take it of as a matter to be reasoned upon, there is much to be said for it, as there is for slavery, or, among the turks, for extra wiveing, I suppose; and first, I fully appreciate that without it, could in no way be sustained such noble buildings and grounds - national banner-bearers of dignity - schools of art, and systematic encouragement of art, and perhaps T should add, systematic, enterprising agricultural improvements, such as this of five thousand acres thorough-drained in the beat manner, by the conviction of its profit in one man's brain instead of fifty men's, as it must be with us. And finally, it may be that for some few, there is sustained by it a local home, a family nucleus, more permanently than it can be with us.
* When will the keeper of oar showy hotels, for instance, banish the dirty dirty of hot-water, and dirtier towel, at the aide lable, into which everybody's fork is dipped, and with which it is afterwards wiped by the waiter.
"But there is everything to be said against it too, that there is against an aristocratical government and society, for the customs of primogeniture and entail, are in fact the basis of aristocracy. And between an aristocratical government and society, with all its dignities and amenities, and refinements, and a democracy, with all its dangers and annoyances, and humiliations, I do not believe that any man that has had lair observation of our two countries, and who is not utterly faithless in God and man, a thorough coward, or whose judgment is not shamefully warped by prejudice, habit, or selfishness, can hesitate a moment. I think that few Englishmen, few even of the English nobility, and no English statesman, would advise us to return to their system. I think that most of them would be sorry to believe that England herself would fail of being a democratic nation a hundred years hence".
A little more personal contact with the class who hold the feudal tenure, would probably have convinced Mr. 0. that "to possess power and not abuse it," is, as Burke said, the greatest human virtue. High minded and truly noble as many of the English aristocracy are, it is, naturally, not easy for them to acknowledge the superiority of democracy to a constitutional monarchy and aristocracy, which in their eyes have made England the greatest nation. But, in the mean time, the world does not stand still, and the England of nineteen hundred, will not be the England of to-day. But as the greatness of England is in her moderation and common sense, we feel sure that she will gain more by that gradual change which alt classes there admirably accommodate themselves to, than by those revolutionary spasms that agitate her neighbors across the channel, and subject them to the pity of the rest of mankind.
And now, having given our readers a taste of the quality of Mr. Olmsted's book, we feel certain they will be inclined to walk and talk it out with our American farmer.
 
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