But there has been a resurrection, or at least a renaissance. To every Czech the vanished independence of his nation is a Paradise Lost. At first historians rose, like Dobner, Dobrovsky, and above all, Palacky, called the "Father of the Nation," whose name is honored and commemorated in every town and city in the kingdom. These patriots told the people of their glorious past. "Awakeners," as they were called, worked heart and soul to rouse and stimulate their countrymen. The old Czech language was revived, and showed itself again in poetry and in song. The revolutionary flood of 1848 gave to Bohemia the breath of life, though for a long time that life fluttered like a flickering flame. Ground down repeatedly beneath the heel of absolutism, the brave Bohemian spirit always rose again, and gained renewed vitality when Austria was defeated on the plains of Lombardy-, and a united Italy was born. In 1866 Prussia and Austria met in deadly conflict. In that fierce duel of the Teutons, Bohemia was the field of combat. Before the opening of the campaign, the commander-in-chief of the Prussian armies issued a proclamation to the Czechs, in which occur the following words: "We are far from opposing your just desires for independence and your free, national development. If our just cause is crowned with victory, perhaps the moment will also come when the Bohemian national aspirations can be satisfied, as those of Hungary have been." In 1866, however, Bohemia was as much an integral part of the Austrian Empire as she is to-day. The Prussian proclamation, therefore, was really an invitation for her to revolt, and join the enemy.

Her longed-for national independence was adroitly held out as a possible reward for such duplicity. Bohemia rejected the temptation, and fought loyally for Austria at Koniggratz, whose fields were strewn with fifty thousand dead. What has been her recompense? After the Austrian defeat, Hungary claimed, with something like a menace in her tone, the realization of the emperor's promises and further recognition of her rights. She was successful. She gained her ancient constitution and increased political independence, and Francis Joseph was crowned king of Hungary at Budapest. Meantime Bohemia, far more modestly, had made substantially the same demands. They were refused. The Czechs protested. Repressive measures were adopted by the Austrian government. Czech newspapers were subjected to a rigid censure, and were often heavily fined. Nevertheless, in spite of opposition, the national spirit steadily rose. In 1868 the corner-stone of the National Theatre, a building raised by millions of subscriptions throughout all Bohemia, was laid in Prague amid intense enthusiasm. In the following year, on the occasion of the five hundredth anniversary of the birth of Hus, thousands of Czechs assembled in his native town, adorned his house with a memorial tablet, and swore fidelity to the principles of " that great patriot and martyr for liberty of conscience." At length the state of affairs became so grave that the Austrian emperor, in September, 1871, addressed to the Bohemians the following words, "Bearing in mind the place which the crown of Bohemia occupies in the State, we willingly recognize that kingdom's rights, and are ready to confirm that recognition by our oath of coronation." This edict thrilled Bohemia with joy. Her hopes at last seemed on the threshold of fulfillment. The emperor Francis Joseph was for a time the idol of the nation. But complications soon arose. Bismarck opposed the project, and prevailed. No less than thirty-seven years have passed since then, but never yet has Francis Joseph worn Bohemia's crown.

The disappointment of the Czechs was boundless. Naturally there were violent outbreaks. Repressive measures were adopted, and the long, long fight began again. Race hatred showed itself in numberless exasperating ways. In 1891, for instance, there was a national exposition at Prague, in which the Germans refused to participate. It was, however, so successful, and so clearly proved Bohemia's progress in the arts and industries, that, notwithstanding the prevailing bitterness of feeling, the government advised the emperor to visit it. The full details of this unending conflict between Czech and Teuton would exceed the limits of an entire volume. That all the fault is on one side, is unbelievable. But, on the whole, one's sympathies go out to these brave Czechs, so proud of their immortal past, so valiantly determined to preserve their nationality. In valiant souls oppression fosters patriotism, and in the case of the Bohemians their patriotism is only equaled by their perseverance. Their sufferings have hardened them, like tempered steel. Ease, wealth, and luxury - not hardships - destroy love of country. Ubi bene, ibi patria, is the motto of the Sybarite. The Czechs, of course, do not expect ever to become an independent realm, like England, France, or Italy. But they desire, first and foremost, a revival of their king, crown, court, and parliament,-in other words, autonomy, limited only by the duties rendered necessary by imperial federation. Moreover, they insist on lessening the domination of two million Germans over four million Czechs, which for two hundred years existed here, and made the German tongue the language of the administration, Church, and schools. They wish to make of Prague a centre of intelligence and power, as it once was, but never can be, if Germany takes possession of Bohemia. Prague would inevitably then become a mere provincial town. Experience shows that many once illustrious cities, when no longer capitals, have sunk to mediocrity. Even Italy has not been unified without serious loss. Parma, Modena, Mantua, Florence, and other less important cities, - once centres of court life, and of a liberal patronage of arts and letters, - have retrograded sadly since the centralization of all power at Rome.